by: Stanley L. Klos
Published by Evisum, Inc
Copyright 2004 All Rights Reserved
including the rights of reproduction in whole or in part in any form
 

Chapter 5

Henry Laurens

2nd President of the Continental Congress
of the United States of America
Served November 1, 1777 to December 9, 1778

Henry Laurens was born March 6, 1724 in Charleston, South Carolina and died there on December 8, 1792. His ancestors were French Protestants who were members of the Reformed Church established in 1550 by John Calvin. They left France at the revocation of the edict of Nantes and migrated to the British American Colonies.

Laurens, the son of John and Esther Grasset Laurens, was educated in Charles Town, South Carolina. Upon “graduation”, through the contacts of his prosperous father, he accepted a position at a local counting-house. In 1744 Laurens accepted a similar position in London to further his career in the promising field of international business. Upon his return in 1747 he opened an import and export business in Charles Town.  Through his London contacts, Laurens entered into the slave trade with the Grant, Oswald & Company who controlled 18th century British slave castle in the Republic of Sierra Leone, West Africa known as Bunce Castle.  Laurens contracted to receive slaves from Serra Leone, catalogue and marketed the human product conducting public auctions in Charles Town. Laurens also engaged in the import and export of many other products but his 10% commission from the slave auctions proved to be his major source of his income. 

By 1750, Laurens was wealthy enough to win the hand of Eleanor Ball, the daughter of a very wealthy rice plantation  owner.  Laurens, who was also a rice planter, used his auction profits to purchase exceptional South Carolina farmland and slaves to expand his agricultural pursuits. This strategy culminated in his assemblage of the Mepkin Plantation  where along with his mercantile pursuits Laurens earned a fortune.

As a businessman, Laurens was quite critical of British intervention in the Colonial economy.  Laurens was a party to frequent lawsuits with the crown judges and had an exceptional understanding of law.  Politically Laurens was especially critical of British judicial decisions regarding marine law.  The pamphlets that Laurens authored and subsequently published in opposition to the crown’s interference in Colonial trade are exceptional legal accounts of Great Britain’s trade oppression of the Colonies.

Henry Laurens served in a military campaign against the Cherokees.  In this campaign he learned, first hand, on how to wage a battle in the Colonial Wilderness.  He took the time during that campaign to keep a diary which still exists in its original manuscript form.

By 1771, Laurens was so successful that he retired from business and sailed to England to direct the education of his sons. During this period he traveled throughout Great Britain and on the European continent. While in London he was one of the thirty-eight Americans who signed a petition in 1774 to dissuade parliament from passing the Boston Port Bill.  Dismayed by the anti-colonial sentiment in Great Britain, Laurens returned to Charleston that same year.  Three months later he was elected a member of South Carolina’s first Provincial Congress in 1775.   He was elected President of that body in June 1775.

Delegate Laurens drew up a form of association to be signed by all the Friends of Liberty and also became President of the Council of Safety. He was elected a member of the Second South Carolina Provincial Congress from serving from November 1775 to March 1776.  He also served as the president of the second council of safety and was elected Vice President of South Carolina serving from March 1776 to June 27, 1777.

Laurens was elected as a Delegate to the Continental Congress on January 10, 1777, and served until 1780.  During his initial term he was forced to flee Philadelphia in the fall of 1777 to Lancaster.  There he and his fellow delegates were unable to find ample rooms in the district for either lodging or convening the Continental Congress for more then one day, September 27th. Once again the Continental Congress packed up and move the seat of Continental government just across the Susquehanna River to a small village called YorkTown (now York, Pennsylvania).  The River was deemed a natural barrier to a British attack providing the Continental Congress with plenty of time should British regulars launch a second campaign to capture the Delegates. Henry Laurens' letter to John Lewis Gervais on October 8th 1777 was particularly revealing of the freshman delegate's flight from Philadelphia to Lancaster:

“The Evening of that day I went as far as Frankfort in order to see into the arrange­ment of my baggage and to Shift my apparel Suitable to the change of weather & had engaged to breakfast with an old friend at 1/2 past 8 next Morning in Philadelphia. About 4 o'Clock next Morning I was knocked up by Sir Patrick Houston who informed me that advice had been received of General Howe's crossing Schuylkill at 11 o'Clock & that part of his Army would be in the City before Sunrise. I could feel no impression, I judged differently from the City people who I had always expected would fall a prey to their fears, I considered the difficulty of crossing a ford with an Army of 6 or 7 Thousand Men, Cannon, Horses, Wagons, Cattle &ca &ca, the right disposition of the whole & detaching a respectable force to a distance of 22 Miles. While my Carriage & Wagon were preparing to go forward the Scene was equally droll & melancholy. Thousands of all Sorts in all appearances past by in such haste that very few could be prevailed on to answer to the Simple question what News?  however would not fly, I stayed Breakfast & did not proceed till 8 o'Clock or past nor would I have gone then but returned once more into the City if I had not been under an engagement to take charge of the Marquis de Lafayette who lay wounded by a ball through his Leg at Bristol. My bravery however was the effect of assurance for could I have believed the current report, I should have fled as fast as any man, no man can possibly have a greater reluctance to an intimacy with Sir William Howe than my Self.

I proceeded to Bristol, the little Town was covered by fugitives, the River by Vessels of War & Store Vessels & others from Philadelphia, the Road choked by Carriages, Horses & Wagons. The Same was disgustingly Specked by Regimental Coats & Cockades, Volunteer blades I suppose who had blustered in that habit of the mighty feats they would perform if the English should dare to come to Philadelphia. Upon these I looked with deep contempt. From Bristol I had the honor of conducting the Marquis who is possessed of the most excellent funds [of] good sense & inexhaustible patience to Bethlehem where the Second day after our arrival I left him in Bed anx­ious for nothing but to be again in our Army as he always calls it, & proceeded through Reading to Lancaster, at Reading I learned of General Wayne's false step, a second hindrance to our driving the Invaders out of the Country.”

Laurens, as a freshman delegate, went right to work in YorkTown impressing the members of Congress with his "non­partisan" deliberations.  His ideas especially stood out on the creation of the first constitution of the United States, the Articles of Confederation. Laurens remained steadfast against the nationalists' proposal to allow control of the proposed new federal government by the wealthy. He was also against Virginia's article to have one Delegate in Congress for every 30,000 of a state’s inhabitants, permitting each representative having one vote. On the Confederation Article that prohibited the federal government from mak­ing any foreign treaty preventing the individual States "from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subject to", Laurens was the only Southern member to vote against the measure. Unfortunately only 3 other states, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, voted with Laurens so the restrictive Amendment became a part of the confedera­tion constitution shackling the future United States in Congress Assembled to properly control and conduct foreign affairs.

In a usual position Laurens voted for the United States in Congress Assembled to have the authority to decide disputes between the states but then voted nay on the establishment of the "elaborate machinery" necessary for such judicial matters to be employed. This failure to separate the judicial duties of government from the proposed legislative/executive federal body plagued the United States until the adoption of its 2^nd constitution in 1789. 

Henry Laurens in a final constitutional act, voted against Virginia's last attempt to gain more power in the federal government based on population. Specifically, Virginia's amendment proposed that the nine votes necessary to deter­mine matters of importance in the United States in Congress Assembled must be from the states containing a majority of the white population in the new "Perpetual Union". The measured failed largely because of Laurens and the other smaller states objections. 

This vote did not follow the “southern block” clearly indicating Laurens was free from sec­tional bias. Laurens stood out time and time again putting forth and supporting articles and ideas that attempted to forge 13 individual States into one unified nation.  He envisioned and worked diligently to form a Constitution that empowered a new central government to act for the benefit of all States equally. This philosophy, unknowingly, made him a leading candidate for the Presidency to replace the ailing John Hancock in 1777.

On October 29^th, John Hancock, resigned from the Presidency. The powerful Adams-Lee coali­tion decided to back Francis Lightfoot Lee as chosen as Hancock's successor. Laurens did not support the Virginian’s nomination moving that Congress solicit Hancock to remain.  The motion was only seconded and no failed to win a majority. To Laurens astonishment, the Chair nominated him, a vote was taken and he became the 2nd President of the Continental Congress of the United States of America.

This was a high tribute as Laurens was a freshman delegate and not a signor of the Declaration of Independence.  Clearly, his character, independent thinking and businessman's no nonsense approach to the confederation constitution impressed the Delegates that Laurens could lead this fledgling nation to complete the 1^st Constitution of the United States andwin the war with Great Britain. Delegate Roberdeau wrote:

"Henry Laurens, Vice President of South Carolina, a worthy, sensible, indefatigable Gentleman, was this day chosen by a unanimous vote, except his own, President of Congress."

Henry Laurens was elected to the Presidency on November 1, 1777 and in letter to the Carlisle Committee on the 4th he hints at one major reason for Hancock's resignation:

"Your Letter of the 22nd was duly received & taken under Consideration by Congress.

The delay of a reply is imputable to the bad State of health of the late president The Honorable John Hancock Esquire who having Suffered under the Gout Several days before he retired from this place could not have discharged every branch in his depart­ment with his wonted facility & precision."

Henry Laurens first official act as the President was to preside over and vote for a Day of Thanksgiving and "to adore the superintending providence of Almighty God". He was also a devoutly religious Christian. In his first letter to the States as President he wrote:

"Dear Sir, The Arms of the United States of America having been blessed in the pres­ent Campaign with remarkable Success, Congress have Resolved to recommend that one day, Thursday the 18th December next be Set apart to be observed by all Inhabitants throughout these States for a General thanksgiving to Almighty God. And I have it in command to transmit to you the inclosed extract from the minutes of Congress for that purpose.

Day of Thanksgiving

Forasmuch as it is the indispensable duty of all men to adore the superintending prov­idence of Almighty God; to acknowledge with gratitude their obligation to him for ben­efits received, and to implore such farther blessings as they stand in need of; and it having pleased him in his abundant mercy not only to continue to us the innumer­able bounties of his common providence, but also to smile upon us in the prosecu­tion of a just and necessary war, for the defence and establishment of our unalienable rights and liberties; particularly in that he hath been pleased in so great a measure to prosper the means used for the support of our troops and to crown our arms with most signal success: It is therefore recommended to the legislative or executive pow­ers of these United States, to set apart Thursday, the eighteenth day of December next, for solemn thanksgiving and praise; that with one heart1 and one voice the good peo­ple may express the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate themselves to the service of their divine benefactor; and that together with their sincere acknowledg­ments and offerings, they may join the penitent confession of their manifold sins, whereby they had forfeited every favour, and their humble and earnest supplication that it may please God, through the merits of Jesus Christ, mercifully to forgive and blot them out of remembrance; that it may please him graciously to afford his bless­ing on the governments of these states respectively, and prosper the public council of the whole; to inspire our commanders both by land and sea, and all under them, with that wisdom and fortitude which may render them fit instruments, under the provi­dence of Almighty God, to secure for these United States the greatest of all human blessings, independence and peace; that it may please him to prosper the trade and manufactures of the people and the labour of the husbandman, that our land may yet yield its increase; to take schools and seminaries of education, so necessary for cul­tivating the principles of true liberty, virtue and piety, under his nurturing hand, and to prosper the means of religion for the promotion and enlargement of that kingdom which consisteth "in righteousness, peace and joy in the Holy Ghost."

President Laurens's office and lodging at YorkTown were not as large, he claimed, as the center hall in his South Carolina home. Laurens noted he often dined on only bread and cheese with a glass of grog which he believe appropriate with George Washington and the soldiers at Valley Forge faring so much more worst. Laurens learned the burden of the office very quickly being the conduit between Congress and the have starved Commander-in-Chief. In addition to this Laurens was responsible for the diplomatic correspondence, chairing the meetings, the granting and refusal of favors to be heard by Congress.

In the first part of December 1777 he, like his predecessor, had a severe attack of the gout which confined him to his room. For the next three months he walked with a limp. At the crisis over the Saratoga Convention he was carried into the YorkTown Courthouse to preside over the crucial meeting. He wrote I am:

"… sitting eighteen or nineteen, sometimes twenty hours in twenty-four.  This encour­ages horrible swellings which are not quite dispersered with the short respite in bed."

On December 12th, a mere 42 days after his election, he asked Congress to elect him a succes­sor.  Laurens’ request was postponed by Congress, in a very complimentary style, refusing to accept it. He then settled into the presidency for his "year" term.

President Laurens was an active participant in debate especially, when he the sole delegate represented by South Carolina. His Presidency drew criticism by his fellow delegates, as he was not hesitant to use his chair to make timely and uncomplimentary remarks about his colleagues. As President, Laurens opposed any expeditions against Florida urging Congress instead to defend Georgia and South Carolina from Native Americans and Tory resistance. 

In his book the President of the Continental Congress 1774 - 1789 Jennings B. Sanders writes:

Laurens is unique among the … Presidents … His letters give an insight into the work­ings of Congress and the Presidential office … As President, he was intimately acquainted with all Congressional affairs; indeed, many matters were necessarily known only to him until their presentation from the chair.  Congressional leadership must not be construed to mean merely the activities of members on the floor of that body.  One gains the impression from a perusal of the correspondence of the day, that important matters were discussed informally outside Congress by coteries, fractions, and cliques as they ate their meals together or visited their rooming places. Action in Congress, therefore, might at times be little more than formal recognition of what had already been agreed upon outside. Through this type of leadership a President might exercise great influence, and yet never participate in debate from the chair.

For example, Henry Laurens wrote on April 7, 1778 to James Duane that "… The Letter has not yet been presented to Congress, but has undergone severe strictures from knot of our friends who call here late at night and conned it over." On another matter Laurens writes on April 28, 1778 concerning his reasoning for delay of Louis Fleury’s petition "…these I say are private Sentiments drawn from friends among my Coadjutors in Congress." The fact that the President, for the most part, received all official correspondence gave him the discretion to choose when and if it should be brought before Congress for consideration. Laurens expertly utilized this power throughout his Presidency to accelerate or impede the consideration of all offi­cial business of the United States of America.

Henry Laurens tenure as President was during one of most stormy periods in the Revolutionary War.  He seemed to align himself against John Jay, Robert Morris and Silas Deane (conservatives) but kept his distance from the Adams-Lees Faction. A major test of his “non-partisan” leadership erupted just nine days into his Presidency. The plan for the dis­placement of George Washington for Horatio Gates came to light on November 9^th. The controversy then exploded occurring during the same period that President Henry Laurens was occupied with the Saratoga Convention, negotiating the surrender settlement of British General Burgoyne and his army. .

This scheme to replace Washington stemmed from the Adams-Lees Faction, the "liberals", who wanted to keep all exec­utive business in the hands of Congress through committees and boards. They strove for a strict system of control over the Commander-in-Chief. The other faction is best described as the "con­structive party" and its leaders included George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Robert Morris and Robert Livingston. The Adams-Lee Faction was comprised of men who were the "Zealots" of revolution and forced altercation with Great Britain. It was the constructive faction who trans­formed the fitful rebellion into an organized and successful revolution. President Henry Laurens’ politics, however, was an enigma and thought by each camp to be partial to their respective faction.

The Adams-Lee Faction steadily worked, after General Gates' Victory at Saratoga, to bring Congress to the opinion that the safety of the country demanded Horatio should replace George as Commander-in-Chief. The plot, however, had few active supporters in Congress. The Continental Army. chief supporters of the Gates scheme, rounded off some impressive patriots supporting General Gates including James Lovell, Benjamin Rush, General Thomas Mifflin and their organizer General Thomas Conway, a French officer of Irish lineage. The movement to displace Washington began before the Victory at Saratoga. Even John and Samuel Adams contributed powerfully to hostility against George Washington by ridiculing his "Fabian Policy" calling for "a short and violent war" and preaching according to Henry Laurens historian D. D. Wallace " … that the worship of a man amounted to amounted to the sin of idolatry which would certainly call down the curse of Heaven"

John Adams exclaimed on the repulse of the British from Delaware River Forts:

"Thank God the glory is not immediately due to the Commander-in-Chief, or idolatry and adulation would have been so excessive as to endanger our liberties."

As the attacks on Washington mounted the plotters made wild charges of his incompetence. It was asserted that cowardice restrained Washington from driving General Howe out of Philadelphia in 1777 even though he had two to three times more forces than the British. For example, James Lovell the delegate from Massachusetts maintained that Washington marched his army up and down with no other purpose then to wear out their clothing, shoes, and stockings. The facts on this particular case, however, were that General Howe's foraging parties had greater numbers than Washington's entire army encamped in Valley Forge.  An attack on Philadelphia would have decimated the Continental Army.

The Continental Congress, to make matters more complex for Washington, bestowed upon Gates and his supporters a series of appointments and promotions. Most notably, Generals Gates and Mifflin were placed upon the Board of War and Conway was elected against Washington's protest as Inspector General of the Continental Army.  In these influential positions the scheme to replace Washington was pressed forward by a series of "interferences, shackles, vexations and slights to resign his command" according to Revolutionary War Historian Wallace.  Their incompetence of managing the Board of War, Commissary and Quartermaster departments left wagon loads of clothing and provisions standing in the woods much to the chagrin of Henry Laurens. The now historic sufferings of Washington and his troops at Valley Forge were due to these men's incompetence and burning desire to replace the Commander-in-Chief with Horatio Gates.  The Valley Forge tragedy was NOT a product of the new nation’s poverty or the refusal of its citizens to contribute to the War effort.

Irrefutable proof of a conspiracy against George Washington came to light when General Stirling sent the Commander-in-Chief a quote from Thomas Conway's letter to Gates:

"Heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad counselors would have ruined it."

Washington’s only response was to send the quote back to Conway on November 9, writing only: “A letter, which I received last night, contained the following paragraph.”

On November 28, Q.M. Gen. and future President Thomas Mifflin sent a letter to Gates alerting him that the extract from Conway’s letter had been sent to Washington, and how the Commander-in-Chief responded. Mifflin’s letter indicated he agreed that Conway’s letter was just. In this letter he cautioned Gates to be careful; as such open correspondence will “injure his best friends.”

Washington never made this letter public.   Gates, however, did not heed Mifflin’s advice and wrote Washington a letter ranting about a so called scoundrel who supposedly leaked the Conway letter to the public.  To Washington’s amazement, Gates copied Congress thus making the letter public. 

Henry Laurens learned of this through his son, a Washington Aide-to-Camp. John Laurens wrote to his father from headquarters on January 3rd, 1778 giving this assessment in a brief sentence identifying the Cabal’s true “head”.

"Conway has weight with a certain party, formed against the present Commander-in Chief at the head of which is General Mifflin."

General Conway's letter gave George Washington no other option but to defend himself openly against the conspiracy as it was now in the public eye.  Washington wrote to Laurens on January 4^th, 1778 that it was “beyond the depth of my comprehension” that Gates would make public the correspondence.  Washington wrote a letter to Gates and copied Congress notifying him that it was his own aide, Wilkinson, who had been indiscreet and not anyone in his camp.

 President Laurens wrote to his son:

"Talking of General Conway's Letter which has been circulating as formerly intimated, & of which General Gates declared both his ignorance & disapprobation, I took occasion to say, if General Conway pretends sincerity in his late parallel between the Great F____ [Fredrick] & the great W____ [Washington] he has, taking this Letter into view, been guilty of the blackest hypocrisy - if not, he is chargeable with the guilt of an unprovoked sarcasm & is unpardonable. The General perfectly acquiesced in that sentiment & added such hints as convinced me he thought highly of Conway. Shall such a Man seperate friends or keep them asunder? It must not be. My Dear son, I pray God protect you."

Laurens was anxious to play the role of "peacemaker" between Gates and Washington walking the middle ground. In the end Laurens neutrality embolden the Cabal but the scheme to replace George Washington with Horatio Gates fell apart in early 1778 when the plan was made public.  One after another the delegates and generals hasten to disclaim any connection to the Conway and Gates. The reac­tion of the people was clear, George Washington was strongly entrenched in the minds and hearts of the common man and they wanted him to remain the Commander-in-Chief. The public's affection towards Washington did not "endanger our libertieis" as Adams predicted but rather gave them new support as the people rallied around the Commander-in Chief. The Cabal was dead, the people had spoken this lesson culminated to finally combining the the office of the U.S. Presidency with the power of Commander-in-Chief in the 2nd Constitution of 1787.   The 2^nd Constitutional Convention in 1778 was still 9 years away with the States still debating ratifying the 1^st Constitution, the Articles of Confederation. Despite Washington holding on as Commander-in-Chief the country fell into desperate times over the divisive philosophies in Congress on how to conduct business while it awaited the ratification of the 1^st Constitution. President Laurens' remarked during this devise period that the fledgling confederation held together only because the enemy "keeps pace with us in profusion, mismanagement and family discord"  

Despite the challenges, Henry Laurens, remained positive turning to the business of the Presidency.  The "Conway Cabal" was now behind him, the Articles of Confederation before the States for ratification, and the Victory at Saratoga was a military coo so impressive that the French were now ready to sign a series of Commerce and Alliance Treaties with the Continental Congress.  President Laurens, an astute businessman, believed that commerce provisions in one of the treaties were seriously flawed. Specifically he objected to the Confederation abandoning, by treaty, its claims over the control of Florida and the Bahamas which were important future sources of federal revenue in trade duties and land sales.  Additionally Laurens believed that French interest in these territories was political cautioning his fellow delegates that once the treaties were ratified Spain would be lay claim to Florida. France would remain neutral on Spanish land accession due to a clandestine "side" agreement between the two European Powers. Laurens was heavily ridiculed by his peers and out maneuvered on measures to correct these inadequacies. 

The treaties were executed on February 6, 1778   and despite his doubts, President Laurens expressed a "most hearty con­gratulations" to Commissioners Silas Deane, Benjamin Franklin and Arthur Lee.  Time, however, proved Laurens right as the United States loss the valuable southern port of St. Augustine and large tracts of land which, were both direly needed to fund the fledging government.

In the spring of 1778, Laurens letters spoke continuously of the deficiency of State representation in Congress. He found fault in both the bare necessity of delegates to make quorums and the inexperience of Congress. He believed the inexperienced delegates were not capable of dealing with important commercial treaties between America and Denmark, Russia, Spain, Holland and Sweden. He ardently sought more experienced representation from the state legislatures in numerous letters to their leaders.

By the summer of 1778 his letters blossomed into the formation of a considerably strengthened Congress. Samuel Adams returned after an absence of six months. Gouvernor Morris and Roger Sherman also returned along with Thomas Heyward. The brilliant young William Henry Drayton, Richard Hutson and John Matthews all took their seats in YorkTown. 

The Conway Cabal emerged once again in the summer of 1778 when Thomas Mifflin, a general who sided with Gates against Washington, was addressed as "pivot" in this Laurens letter to his son in June. In this letter Laurens writes about Congress's call for an investigation into General Mifflin's quartermaster activities:

"If you were here in this Room I could entertain you five minutes with description of an excellent attempt in favor of pivot which was not only ousted but brought on a proposition which, as a Man of honor he must have wished for, as a Man of polite­ness he must have wished for it, because all the World wished for it. Your antagonists I find have not yet turned their backs, the more motions they make the more I sus­pect them. When they shall be fairly gone I will sing te deum, but 'till then my duty & my Interest dictate infidelity & command me to be watchful. The long continuance of repeated accounts marking their intended embarkation has injured our Cause more than you are aware of. Adieu."

Laurens according to the Library of congress

"… was alluding to the call for an investigation of former quartermaster general Thomas Mifflin that Congress approved this day."

In previous correspondence with his son, Laurens had used the term "pivot" to designate Mifflin's role in the so-called Conway Cabal. That John Laurens understood the use of it in the present let­ter as a reference to Mifflin is indicated by this statement in his June 14th reply:

"The inquiry into the conduct of the late quarter masters, must give pleasure to every man who wishes to see the betrayers of public trusts brought to condign punishment."

General Mifflin would later be exonerated of these charges and go on to serve as President of the United States in Congress Assembled. George Washington, however, remained cool to Mifflin throughout the rest of his days never forgetting his role in the Conway Cabal.  In an ironic twist a fate when George Washington finally resigned his office of Commander-in-Chief in 1783 it was done ceremoniously to the President of the United States, Thomas Mifflin.  

October 31, 1778 marked Laurens completion of his one-year term prescribed in the un-ratified Articles of Confederation. Laurens had often referenced his approval of the Confederation Constitution’s provision forbidding a delegate to hold the Presidency more than one year in three and accord­ingly he offered his resignation. The constitution, however, was not ratified and no Perpetual Union or it governing body, the United States of America in Congress Assembled, was formed.  The Continental Congress still existed and operated under the Articles of Association so Laurens was not required to step down from this presiding office. It was reported that the members gathered in a circle to discuss his resignation and Samuel Adams communicated their unanimous desire for Laurens to serve until the Articles were ratified by all the States creating the new United States of America in Congress Assembled. Laurens according to biographer D. D. Wallace:

"Expressed his pleasure at being able to balk 'his quondam friend' in the newspaper and acceded to the request of the members, but declined to approve a minute of the proceedings saying 'he had no anxiety for obtaining complimentary records.' The Journals thus contain no suggestion of the incident."

The Deane-Lee foreign affairs controversy also fell into the lap of President Laurens. Silas Deane was one of the commissioners who negotiated the February Treaty with France.  Deane had also contracted the services of Lafayette, De Kalb, and other foreign officers, personally, to the cause for Independence. These contracts were subsequently made the basis of charges against him by congress on the grounds of extravagance.  Deane was recalled in consequence by resolution passed and signed by Laurens.

Reaching Philadelphia in 1778, Deane found that many reports had been circulated to his dis­credit. These seem to have originated with his late colleague, Arthur Lee, who had quarreled with him in Paris. Henry Laurens received Deane and went over all his affairs in a two-hour private interview.  Henry Laurens reported that he believed Dean supporting his account.

Deane had presented a signed statement from Grand, the commissioners' Paris Banker, of all funds spent. Banker Grand, however refused to part with the original vouchers until the final accounting. President Laurens found this inappropriate as Deane had disbursed 250,000 pounds sterling and had no excuse for coming without accounts and vouchers. Arthur Lee reiterated his charges and Deane's advocates failed to rally his cause squarely before Congress causing Lauren's to side against Silas Deane.

A Congressional inquiry into the state of foreign affairs also included a thorough examination of Mr. Deane's role. He was regularly notified to attend the sessions in an attempt to discern the facts of the controversy.  On December 4th Deane wrote again to Congress, acquainting them with his having received their notification of another session and expressing his thanks for the ongoing investigation. On the following day, to almost everyone's surprise, Deane published his extraordinary address in the Pennsylvania Packet, which attacked Congress, President Henry Laurens and his accusers.

"To The Free and Virtuous Citizens Of America.

Friends and Countrymen, THE happiness or misfortunes, the benefits or injuries of an individual, have generally no claim to the public attention. I do not therefore address you on my own account, but on yours. I do not wish to prejudice any man, but to serve my country, I was content, even while sacrificed for the aggrandizement of others; but I will not see an individual, or family, raised upon the ruins of the general weal. What I write to you, I would have said to your Representatives, their ears have been shut against me, by an attention to matters, which my respect for them induces me to believe were of more importance. While it was safe to be silent, my lips were closed. Necessity hath opened them, and necessity must excuse this effort, to serve, by inform­ing you.

What I have done, and what I have suffered, from the moment I left my native shore, until I was honoured with one colleague, and saddled with another, is needless now to repeat; I have told it substantially to Congress, and as their servant, I leave it with them. In September, 1776, they appointed the Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, Esquires and myself, their Commissioners at the Court of Versailles, previous to which, I had the honour to be the Commercial and Political Agent of America in Europe. My venerable friend, Dr. Franklin, arrived at Paris in December, 1776, and Arthur Lee, Esq; a few days after him. This gentleman, by agreement among the Commissioners, went to Spain in the month of February following, to negociate your interests there, and having by a wanton display of his errand, given great and just cause of distrust to the Court of Madrid, he returned in the beginning of April, not having gone further than the city of Burgos. The reasons of that Court for restricting him to this place, with many other matters important for you to know, may perhaps appear in the course of these letters.

While he was on that journey, Dr. Franklin received a commission to go thither, but his health, the season, and other circumstances prevented his departure until he was superseded. Many reasons concurred, to convince the Commissioners that Arthur Lee, Esq. could no where be less serviceable than at Paris, and therefore in May, 1777, he set off to make the tour of Germany, in order to arrive at Berlin in safety. At this place, he was so unfortunate as to do nothing, unless indeed we may give the name of busi­ness to the loss of his papers, by which a discovery was made of the secrets of his col­leagues, and the British ministry enabled to counteract the measure taken for your benefit. In August he returned to Paris, and shortly after received his appointment as Commissioner to the Court of Madrid, with reservation, nevertheless, of his former commission, to that of Versailles. Here I must leave him to take notice of another gen­tleman of the same family.

In February, 1777, I received a notification of the appointment of William Lee, Esq; to be one of your Commercial Agents in Europe, of which I gave him notice. As your commercial affairs were, at that time, in such a state as to require much attention and care, I pressed this gentleman, then in England, to come over immediately and exe­cute his office, but heard nothing from him till the month of June, when he arrived in Paris. At this place he continued until about some time in August, when he went to Nantz. There he was loudly called on to regulate certain affairs, which he prudently declined, left, as he observed, his property in England should be affected. In September or October, he returned to Paris, and there received his appointment of Commissioner to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. He continued nevertheless inactive at Paris until the month of December, carefully concealing his appointments, which might indeed have militated against his office of Alderman of the city of London which he did then, and probably does still retain. When the news of General Burgoynedefeat and sur­render arrived, it produced a revolution in the minds of many, and, among others, inspired your Commercial Agent, and Political Commissioner, the Honourable William Lee, Esq; with some degree of activity in your favour.

That I may not be under the necessity of mentioning this gentleman again, I add here, that he hath since gone to Vienna, having first appointed sundry commercial Agents for you, at the several ports, and in one instance removed the * person who had faith­fully done your business for two per cent, in favour of another, who is to receive five per cent, of which, as well as of the like commission at other places, Mr. Lee receives a share, for superintending at Vienna, the business done on your account a thousand miles off from his place of residence.

My respect for the Honourable the Congress, and of consequence for its members, will lead me to treat with all possible tenderness their friends, dependants and connec­tions, and therefore as the Honorable Arthur and William Lee, Esqrs. have two broth­ers in that Body, I shall make no other observation on the fruitful topic of their man­ners and deportment, than this, that unfortunately for you, those gentlemen so high­ly elevated, and so widely entrusted, gave universal disgust to the nation whose assis­tance we solicited.

Having thus introduced you to your great servants, I proceed to make you acquainted with some other personages, which it is of consequence for you to know. I am sorry to say, that the Honorable Arthur Lee, Esq; was suspected, by some of the best friends you had abroad, and those in important characters and stations. This arose from his connection and acquaintance with Lord Shelburne, who had been his patron in England, and to whom it was, from many circumstances, whether well or ill founded, were frequently related and urged to Doctor Franklin and myself, and joined to his undisguised hatred of, and expressions of contempt for, the French nation in general, embarrassed us exceedingly, and was of no small prejudice to your affairs.

In the summer of 1777, a correspondence took place between a certain Doctor Berkenhout and the Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq; on political subjects. The Doctor proposed in general terms, an accommodation, and after all obstacles arising from our sup­posed want of confidence in him, and the like, were removed, the Doctor went so far as to propose a meeting with Mr. Lee; but these dispositions were deranged, by the news of GeneralHowearrival in this city. Mr. Lee shewed to Doctor Franklin and myself a part of this correspondence, and in order to give the greater weight to Doctor Berkenhoutremarks, gave us to understand, that the Doctor was in the confidence of the British Ministry.

Immediately on the arrival of the news of General Burgoyne surrender, a treaty with France seemed to the British Ministry more near and more probable; your Commissioners, therefore, were continually sounded, indirectly, as to their dispositions for reconciliation. About this time Mr. Lee Secretary went to and from London, charged with affairs which were secret to your other Commissioners. Conjectures were formed, it is true, and with the more reason as Mr. Lee was dragged into the treaty with the utmost reluctance. It was agreed that this important matter should be kept a profound secret, yet a few days from the signing, it was pointedly declared in the House of Commons by the Hon. Charles Fox, Esq; the friend of Lord Shelburne; this gave additional weight to the other circumstances. Add to this, that the attention of Doctor Franklin and myself to your service, gave rise to many bickerings and disputes between Mr. Lee and us; the consequence was, that insinuations and misrepresenta­tions, to my disadvantage, were transmitted across the Atlantic, and stored up here for purposes which will hereafter appear. On the fourth day of March I received in a cover, from one of the Committee of foreign correspondence, the following Resolution:

IN CONGRESS, December 8, 1777.

"WHEREAS it is of the greatest importance that Congress should at this

critical conjuncture be well informed of the state of affairs in Europe. And

whereas Congress have resolved that the honorable Silas Deane, Esq; be

recalled from the court of France, and have appointed another

Commissioner to supply his place there. Ordered, that the Committee for

foreign Correspondence, write to the honorable Silas Dean, and direct to

embrace him the first opportunity of returning to America, and upon his

arrival to repair with all possible dispatch to Congress."

And having placed my papers and yours, in safety, I left Paris the 30th, to embark for my native country, on board that fleet, which your great and generous ally sent out for your assistance, in full confidence that I should not be detained for any consider­able time in America on the business I was sent for; - just before my departure I was informed of a matter, which as it may tend to throw light on other circumstances, I shall simply relate. A gentleman of character told me, that his correspondant in England, had seen a letter from the honorable Arthur Lee, Esq; dated the very day on which the treaty was signed, (though it was not finished until near nine oat night,) in which were nearly these words. "This day the new partnership was signed and sealed, and the new house will begin to do business immediately, if the old house means to have any thing to do further, and means honestly, they must make their proposals immediately."

When I arrived at this place, I solicited an audience of the Congress, which, after many delays which some circumstances rendered unavoidable I obtained. I was twice heard before that honorable body, viz. on the 19th and on the 21st of August, when I gave them as good a general account of the matters entrusted to me as the time would permit. It being my intent to deliver singly and by itself, a history of those affairs, and then to mention from time to time for their consideration such things as my duty to you should require. But after these two audiences, I have been unable to obtain a third, altho'I have continually solicited it, and written several letters for that purpose which, together with the answers, I have received, and the several intermediate trans­actions, as far as the public service requires it, shall in due time, with the utmost can­dor on my part, be laid before you; without deviating in the least, from that respect, which I have always professed, and which I feel for that honorable body; and lest any thing which I have said, or may say, should be misinterpreted, I do hereby again repeat my veneration for your Representatives, excepting always those (if any such there be,) who with partial interested views, and for sinister purposes, have endeavoured to sac­rifice your interest, as well as my reputation. I come now to some things, without which I might perhaps have continued still longer silent. In September last I was informed, that the Doctor Berkenhout, who I have mentioned above, was in goal in this city. I confess I was surprized, considering what I have already related, that this man should have the audacity to appear in the capital of America. I immediately sat myself about the measures, which I conceived necessary to investigate his plans and designs; con­cluding he was like to continue in those quarters for some time. But what was my astonishment, when in a few days after I was informed that he was gone back to New York. There was in this something which was alarming, that a person who from every appearance was sent out as spy, should be sent back with the knowledge he had been able to collect, was, what I could not comprehend, and therefore in order, to set on foot an enquiry, I published the queries in Mr. Dunlappaper of the tenth of October, which had lain by me some days, in hopes that those in authority, would have taken measures to prevent the necessity of it.

To these queries no satisfactory answer ever was, or probably ever will be given. At length that providence in whom we have put our trust, hath by a concurrence of inci­dents, unfolded to me, the transaction, which was as follows. - Doctor Berkenhout came from New York, passed the lines, and came to this place, under the pretence of important business with Congress; when he arrived in this place, he made no appli­cation to that body, but to the honorable Richard Henry Lee, Esq; Doctor Berkenhout hath since said, that he had letters to that honorable member of Congress, from the honorable Arthur Lee, Esq; joint Commissioner of the United States, at the court of Versailles, and sole Commissioner of those states at the court of Madrid. Be this as it may, it is certain that the Doctor has several meetings with the honorable Richard H. Lee, Esq; it is also certain, that when the Doctor returned to New York, he ventured to assure the British Commissioners, that by the alliance with France, America was at lib­erty to make peace, with out consulting her ally, unless England declared war, and it is equally certain, that the honorable Richard Henry Lee, Esq; constantly and pertina­ciously maintained this doctrine.

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